無論中國政府是否相信奧巴馬政府關(guān)于美國樂意接受中國成為一個對等大國的說辭,中國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人面臨的戰(zhàn)略選擇都是清晰的:既可以謀求地區(qū)主導(dǎo)地位并通過暴力對抗的方式將美國趕出亞太,也可以與美國開展合作并通過維持亞太地區(qū)權(quán)力均勢避免惡性戰(zhàn)略爭斗,以確保雙方之間的和平競爭。第一種選項至少在可以預(yù)見的未來無疑是不現(xiàn)實的。取得地區(qū)主導(dǎo)權(quán)從長期看或許會是中國的終極目標(biāo),但不會被視作中國在21世紀(jì)前期需要認真考慮的目標(biāo),這是由當(dāng)前美國在亞太地區(qū)的存在和影響力決定的,也是因為該地區(qū)各國力量的消長變化仍在繼續(xù)界定中國的權(quán)力范圍。中國的日益強大已經(jīng)促使周邊國家采取了一些制衡行動,包括重新與美國結(jié)盟,在這種情況下,中國的實際行動以及其他國家對中國意圖的認知尤為重要。盡管中國必須堅定地捍衛(wèi)其真正的核心利益,但是在各種外交與安全政策上(包括與他國的領(lǐng)土爭端上)繼續(xù)保持戰(zhàn)略克制,預(yù)防性地消除其他國家的制衡動機,絕對符合中國利益。在地區(qū)環(huán)境中被孤立于對中國沒有好處。
事實上,二戰(zhàn)后美國創(chuàng)建和領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的國際體系以及美國在亞太安全中的角色,為經(jīng)濟全球化和亞太穩(wěn)定提供了重要支撐。雖然中國政府對其中的一些規(guī)則可能并不滿意,也想在制定和修訂規(guī)則的過程中享有更大的話語權(quán),但中國還是從中獲益匪淺。盡管中國對美國在亞洲這塊本國安身之地增強針對自己的軍事和戰(zhàn)略布局感到不安,中國也仍然是過去幾十年中美國軍事存在所塑造的地區(qū)穩(wěn)定的受益者。作為現(xiàn)實主義者,中國領(lǐng)導(dǎo)人最終還是會認清權(quán)力對比的現(xiàn)實狀況,那就是中美兩國都不可能獨自成為地區(qū)主導(dǎo)力量,權(quán)力均衡是維護地區(qū)和平與穩(wěn)定的唯一出路。雖然美國維持其亞太霸權(quán)角色變得日益困難,但中國在崛起為一個全球大國的道路上也仍然面臨著來自國內(nèi)外的各種巨大挑戰(zhàn),很難在亞洲奉行擴張主義政策。中國最大的挑戰(zhàn)并非來自美國,而是來自本國內(nèi)部。由于深刻而令人擔(dān)憂的內(nèi)部原因,中國也是一個脆弱的崛起國。為確保未來的崛起,實現(xiàn)中國夢,它必須首先處理好包括腐敗、權(quán)力濫用和社會不公等在內(nèi)的各種國內(nèi)問題。在中國解決這些國內(nèi)難題之前,其未來崛起前景仍面臨著不確定性。正是從這個角度出發(fā),中國國家主席習(xí)近平才一再強調(diào)“太平洋兩岸有足夠空間容納中美兩個大國”。65 正是從自身利益出發(fā),中國努力通過構(gòu)建“新型大國關(guān)系”來穩(wěn)定同美國的關(guān)系,而這也正是美國的利益所在,所以,奧巴馬政府對習(xí)近平的努力進行了積極回應(yīng)。
注釋
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