五、結論
印度的戰(zhàn)略文化同戰(zhàn)略選擇、安全行為之間有著很強的相關性。攻防取向兼?zhèn)涞挠《葢?zhàn)略文化構成了戰(zhàn)略決策和安全行為的社會—文化場,它雖不能導致“有A則B”的邏輯結果,但卻扮演著框定印度戰(zhàn)略選擇范圍和國際行為方式的角色。作為一種信仰和觀念體系,戰(zhàn)略文化“為探索導致行為動機的基本價值提供了一些線索。這些路標是不可忽視的,更重要的是它在把行為指引向特定路線上的作用”。[41]印度的戰(zhàn)略文化正是以塑造戰(zhàn)略社團和決策者賴以生存的政治文化生態(tài)和利益認知環(huán)境作用于戰(zhàn)略選擇和安全行為的。
[1] George K. Tanham, Indian Strategic Thought: An Interpretive Essay, R-4207-USDF, Rand, 1992, pp. 51-52.
[2]重商主義的,前沿的擴張,帝國官僚的,革命性的技術專家,掠奪的或掠奪。 Rodney W. Jones, India’s Strategic Culture, Defense Threat Reduction Agency先進的系統(tǒng)和概念辦事處 Advanced Systems and Concepts Office:比較戰(zhàn)略文化課程 合約編號:DTRA01-03-D-0017,技術指導18-06-02 Contract No. DTRA01-03-D-0017, Technical Instruction 18-06-02.
[3] Harjeet Singh, India’s Strategic Culture: The Impact of Geography, New Delhi: Knowledge World Publisher PVT Ltd., 2009, p. 2.
[4] Harjeet Singh, India’s Strategic Culture: The Impact of Geography, New Delhi: Knowledge World Publisher PVT Ltd., 2009, p. 24.
[5] Gautam Das, “George Tanham’s Views of Indian Strategic Thought: An Interpretation,” Scholar Warrior, Spring 2011, pp. 9-10.
[6] Kanti Bajpai, India’s Strategic Culture, in Kanti P. Bajpai and Amitabh Mattoo (eds), Securing India: Strategic Thought and Practice, New Delhi: Manohar Publishers, 1996, pp. 246-48.
[7] Jaswant Singh, Defending India, New York: St. Martin’s Press, Inc., 1999, Introduction (by K. Subrahmanyam) and Chapter one “Strategic Culture”.
[8] Michael Krepon, “Indian Strategic Culture,” July 21, 2010, http://krepon.armscontrolwonk.com/archive/2820/indian-strategic-culture.
[9] 杰弗里?拉格羅(Jeffrey Legro)認為:作為干預變量的戰(zhàn)略文化同非文化因素一樣是可變的,因為文化是根植于現實的經驗,而非如早期研究者所說的那樣深深地根植于歷史慣例和傳統(tǒng)中。見Jeffrey W. Legro, Cooperation under Fire: Anglo-German Restraint during World War II (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1995)。伊麗莎白?科爾(Elizabeth Kier)把軍事政治文化視為不斷變化的國內政治環(huán)境的產物,內部政治環(huán)境變化必然導致軍事政治文化的變遷。見Elizabeth Kier, Imagining War: French and British Military Doctrine Between the Wars (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1995)。顯然,拉格羅和科爾的戰(zhàn)略文化定義已經遠離了傳統(tǒng)文化觀,即“戰(zhàn)略文化是歷史經驗的產物,不同國家因歷史經驗上的差異展現出不同的戰(zhàn)略文化”。見Bradley S. Klein, “Hegemony and Strategic Culture: American Power Projection and Alliance Defense Politics,” Review of International Studies, Vol. 14, No. 2 (April 1988), p. 136。
[10] Alastair Iain Johnston36。, “Thinking about Strategic Culture,” International Security, vol. 19, No.4 (Spring 1995), pp. 46-48.
[11] John Duffield, World Power Forsaken, Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998, p. 71.
[12] Valerie Hudson, Foreign Policy Analysis: Classic and Contemporary Theory, Boulder: Rowman & Little?eld, 2007, pp. 28-29.
[13] Alexander L. George, “The Operational Code: A Neglected Approach to the Study of Political Leaders and Decision Making,” International Studies Quarterly, 1969, Vol. 13, pp. 190-222.
[14] “曼荼羅”(Mandala)是孔雀王朝時代形成的一種地緣戰(zhàn)略思想,其基本假設是在某一地理空間內的若干國家共同組成一種區(qū)域無政府社會——曼荼羅體系。對于某一國家的安全而言,距離最近的鄰國最有可能構成現實或潛在的威脅,同該鄰國相鄰的另一個國家則可能成為盟友;依次外推延展,緊鄰盟友的國家就可能是非友好國家或戰(zhàn)略對手的盟國,再接著又是友好國家或友好國家的盟國……這樣形成一個戰(zhàn)略盟友和對手層層疊加的地緣戰(zhàn)略圈。在“曼荼羅”戰(zhàn)略思維中,鄰國被假定為現實或潛在的安全威脅。
[15] Michael Krepon, “Indian Strategic Culture,” July 21, 2010, http://krepon.armscontrolwonk.com/archive/2820/indian-strategic-culture.
[16] Gautam Das, “George Tanham’s Views of Indian Strategic Thought: An Interpretation,” Scholar Warrior, Spring 2011, p. 3.
[17] B. Gascoigne, The Great Moghuls, London: Jonathan Cape, 1971, p. 227.
[18] John Keay, India: A History from the Earliest Civilizations to the Boom of the Twenty-first Century, New York: Grove Press, 2010, p. 345.
[19] Domingo Paes, Narrative of a Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagar), London: Swan Sonnen schein, 1900, Reprinted by Asian Education Services (New Delhi), 1980, pp. 246-247.
[20] John Keay, India: A History from the Earliest Civilizations to the Boom of the Twenty-first Century, New York: Grove Press, 2010, p. 305.
[21] R. C. Mujumdar et al., An Advanced History of India, London: Macmillan, 1977. p. 366.
[22] George K. Tanham, Indian Strategic Thought: An Interpretive Essay, R-4207-USDF, Rand, 1992, p.104.
[23] G. S. Sardesai, “Shivaji”, in HCIP, vol. 7, The Moghul Empire, Bombay: Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, 1974, p. 246.
[24] Sri Aurobindo, The Foundations of Indian Culture, Pondicherry: Sri Aurobindo Ashram Trust, 1959, pp. 2-3.
[25] Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, The Supreme Spiritual Ideal, Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1974, p. 368.
[26] K. Subrahmanyam, “Evolution of Indian Defense Policy 1947-1964,” in A History of the Congress Party, Delhi: AICC and Vikas Publishing House, 1990.
[27] 學術界一直對阿育王柱所載內容的真實性有不同看法。批評者認為:孔雀王朝僅僅是北印度地區(qū)的一個主導者,其周邊很多衛(wèi)星國從沒有停止過武力斗爭,這反證了阿育王放棄武力系不實之說。見 John Keay,India: A History from the Earliest Civilizations to the Boom of the Twenty-first Centurypp, pp. 8-9。
[28] Shivshankar Menon, “K. Subrahmanyam and India’s Strategic Culture,” addressed at Subbu Forum Memorial Lecture, 19 January 2012.由梅 農
[29] Rodney W. Jones, India’s Strategic Culture, Defense Threat Reduction Agency先進的系統(tǒng)和概念辦事處 Advanced Systems and Concepts Office:比較戰(zhàn)略文化課程 合約編號:DTRA01-03-D-0017,技術指導18-06-02 Contract No. DTRA01-03-D-0017, Technical Instruction 18-06-02.
[30] Raja Ramanna, Years of Pilgrimage, New Delhi: Viking, 1991, p. 92.
[31] Jaswant Singh, Defending India, Jaswant Singh, Defending India, New York: St. Martin’s Press, Inc., 1999, p. 330.
[32] Jaswant Singh, Defending India, Jaswant Singh, Defending India, New York: St. Martin’s Press, Inc., 1999, p. 19.
[33] George J. Gilboy and Eric Heginbotham, “Double Trouble: A Realist View of Chinese and Indian Power,” The Washington Quarterly, Summer 2013, p. 135.
[34] Government of India, Indian Army Doctrine, Part I (Simla: Headquarters Army Training Command, October 22, 2004), Section 11:4.8 & 4.9, http://pksoi.army.mil/doctrine_concepts/documents/INDIA.
[35] Ministry of Defense [Navy], Freedom to Use the Sea: India’s Maritime Military Strategy, New Delhi: Integrated Headquarters, May 2007.
[36] Taylor Fraval, Strong Borders, Secure Nation: Cooperation and Conflict in China’s Territorial Dispute, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2008.
[37] Yeshi Choedon, “Politics and Diplomacy in the UN,” in G. P. Geshpande and Alka Acharya eds., 50 Years of India and China: Crossing a Bridge of Dreams, New Delhi: Tulika, 2000. p. 469.
[38] “The Prime Minister’s Statement That Non-alignment Does not Mean Isolation from the Rest of the World, on 22 March 1948,” in A. Appadorai ed., Select Documents on India’s Foreign Policy and Relations 1947-1972, Vol.1, London: Oxford University Press, 1982, p. 14.
[39] K. Subrahmanyam, “Evolution of Indian Defense Policy 1947-1964,” in A History of the Congress Party, Delhi: AICC and Vikas Publishing House, 1990.
[40] 蘇布拉馬尼亞姆在賈斯萬特·辛格的《為印度辯護》一書序言中對印度戰(zhàn)略思想的評價。見Jaswant Singh, Defending India, Introduction。
[41] K·默頓:《科學社會學》,魯旭東譯,上海:人民出版社,2001年,第321頁。